{"id":1795,"date":"2026-05-23T18:12:54","date_gmt":"2026-05-23T18:12:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/textbook\/?page_id=1795"},"modified":"2026-06-15T13:53:11","modified_gmt":"2026-06-15T13:53:11","slug":"07-a-new-nation","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/textbook\/07-a-new-nation\/","title":{"rendered":"07. A New Nation"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"This
Figure 7.1. \u201cThe Federal Pillars,\u201d from The Massachusetts Centinel, August 2, 1789. Library of Congress.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

I. Introduction<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

On July 4, 1788, Philadelphians turned out for a \u201cgrand federal procession\u201d in honor of the new national constitution. Workers in various trades and professions demonstrated their crafts. Blacksmiths carted around a working forge, on which they symbolically beat swords into farm tools. Potters proudly carried a sign paraphrasing from the Bible, \u201cThe potter hath power over his clay,\u201d linking God\u2019s power with an artisan\u2019s work and a citizen\u2019s control over the country. Christian clergymen meanwhile marched arm-in-arm with Jewish leaders. The grand procession represented what many Americans hoped the United States would become: a diverse but cohesive, prosperous nation.1<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Over the next few years, Americans would celebrate more of these patriotic holidays. In April 1789, for example, thousands gathered in New York to see George Washington take the presidential oath of office. That November, Washington called his fellow citizens to celebrate with a day of thanksgiving, particularly for \u201cthe peaceable and rational manner\u201d in which the government had been established.2<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the new nation was never as cohesive as its champions had hoped. Although the officials of the new federal government\u2014and the people who supported it\u2014placed great emphasis on unity and cooperation, the country was often anything but unified. The Constitution itself had been a controversial document adopted to strengthen the government so that it could withstand internal conflicts. Whatever the later celebrations, the new nation had looked to the future with uncertainty. Less than two years before the national celebrations of 1788 and 1789, the United States had faced the threat of collapse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

II. Shays\u2019s Rebellion<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In 1786 and 1787, a few years after the Revolution ended, thousands of farmers in western Massachusetts were struggling under a heavy burden of debt. Weak local and national economies made their problems worse. Many political leaders saw both the debt and the struggling economy as a consequence of the Articles of Confederation, which provided the federal government with no way to raise revenue and did little to create a cohesive nation out of the various states. The farmers wanted the Massachusetts government to protect them from their creditors, but the state supported the lenders instead. As creditors threatened to foreclose on their property, many of these farmers, including Revolutionary War veterans, took up arms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Led by a fellow veteran named Daniel Shays, these armed men, the \u201cShaysites,\u201d resorted to tactics like the patriots had used before the Revolution, forming blockades around courthouses to keep judges from issuing foreclosure orders. These protesters saw their cause and their methods as an extension of the \u201cSpirit of 1776\u201d; they were protecting their rights and demanding redress for the people\u2019s grievances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This
Figure 7.2. Daniel Shays became a divisive figure, to some a violent rebel seeking to upend the new American government, to others an upholder of the true revolutionary virtues Shays and others fought for. This contemporary depiction of Shays and his accomplice Job Shattuck portrays them in the latter light as rising \u201cillustrious from the Jail.\u201d Unidentified artist, Daniel Shays and Job Shattuck, 1787. Wikimedia. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Governor James Bowdoin, however, saw the Shaysites as rebels who wanted to rule the government through mob violence. He called up thousands of militiamen to disperse them. A former Revolutionary general, Benjamin Lincoln, led the state force, insisting that Massachusetts must prevent \u201ca state of anarchy, confusion and slavery.\u201d3<\/a><\/sup> In January 1787, Lincoln\u2019s militia arrested more than one thousand Shaysites and reopened the courts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Daniel Shays and other leaders were indicted for treason, and several were sentenced to death, but eventually Shays and most of his followers received pardons. Their protest, which became known as Shays\u2019s Rebellion, generated intense national debate. While some Americans, like Thomas Jefferson, thought \u201ca little rebellion now and then\u201d helped keep the country free, others feared the nation was sliding toward anarchy and complained that the states could not maintain control. For nationalists like James Madison of Virginia, Shays\u2019s Rebellion was a prime example of why the country needed a strong central government. \u201cLiberty,\u201d Madison warned, \u201cmay be endangered by the abuses of liberty as well as the abuses of power.\u201d4<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

III. The Constitutional Convention<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The uprising in Massachusetts convinced leaders around the country to act. After years of goading by James Madison and other nationalists, delegates from twelve of the thirteen states met at the Pennsylvania state house in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. Only Rhode Island declined to send a representative. The delegates arrived at the convention with instructions to revise the Articles of Confederation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The biggest problem the convention needed to solve was the federal government\u2019s inability to levy taxes. That weakness meant that the burden of paying back debt from the Revolutionary War fell on the states. The states, in turn, found themselves beholden to the lenders who had bought up their war bonds. That was part of why Massachusetts had chosen to side with its wealthy bondholders over poor western farmers.5<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

James Madison, however, had no intention of simply revising the Articles of Confederation. He intended to produce a completely new national constitution. In the preceding year, he had completed two extensive research projects\u2014one on the history of government in the United States, the other on the history of republics around the world. He used this research as the basis for a proposal he brought with him to Philadelphia. It came to be called the Virginia Plan, named after Madison\u2019s home state.6<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A
Figure 7.3. James Madison was a central figure in the reconfiguration of the national government. Madison\u2019s Virginia Plan was a guiding document in the formation of a new government under the Constitution. John Vanderlyn, Portrait of James Madison, 1816. Wikimedia <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The Virginia Plan was daring. Classical learning said that a republican form of government required a small and homogenous state: the Roman republic, or a small country like Denmark, for example. Citizens who were too far apart geographically or too different could not govern themselves successfully. Conventional wisdom said the United States needed to have a very weak central government, which should simply represent the states on certain matters they had in common. Otherwise, power should stay at the state or local level. But Madison\u2019s research had led him in a different direction. He believed it was possible to create \u201can extended republic\u201d encompassing a diversity of people, climates, and customs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Virginia Plan, therefore, proposed that the United States should have a strong federal government. It was to have three branches\u2014\u00adlegislative, executive, and judicial\u2014with the power to act on any issues of national concern. The legislature, or Congress, would have two houses, in which every state would be represented according to its population size or tax base. The national legislature would have veto power over state laws.7<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Other delegates to the convention generally agreed with Madison that the Articles of Confederation had failed. But they did not agree on what kind of government should replace them. In particular, they disagreed about the best method of representation in the new Congress. Representation was an important issue that influenced a host of other decisions, including deciding how the national executive branch should work, what specific powers the federal government should have, and even what to do about the divisive issue of slavery.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For more than a decade, each state had enjoyed a single vote in the Continental Congress. William Patterson\u2019s New Jersey Plan proposed to keep things that way. The Connecticut delegate Roger Sherman, furthermore, argued that members of Congress should be appointed by the state legislatures. Ordinary voters, Sherman said, lacked information, were \u201cconstantly liable to be misled\u201d and \u201cshould have as little to do as may be\u201d about most national decisions.8<\/a><\/sup> Large states, however, preferred the Virginia Plan, which would give their citizens far more power over the legislative branch. James Wilson of Pennsylvania argued that since the Virginia Plan would vastly increase the powers of the national government, representation should be drawn as directly as possible from the public. No government, he warned, \u201ccould long subsist without the confidence of the people.\u201d9<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ultimately, Roger Sherman suggested a compromise. Congress would have a lower house, the House of Representatives, in which state population determined the number of representative members, and an upper house, which became the Senate, in which each state would have one vote. This proposal, after months of debate, was adopted in a slightly altered form as the Great Compromise: each state would have two senators, who could vote independently. In addition to establishing both types of representation, this compromise also counted three-fifths of a state\u2019s enslaved population for representation and tax purposes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A
Figure 7.4. Delegates to the Constitutional Convention assembled, argued, and finally agreed in this room, styled in the same manner as during the Convention. Photograph of the Assembly Room, Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Wikimedia.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The delegates took even longer to decide on the form of the national executive branch. Should executive power be in the hands of a committee or a single person? How should its officeholders be chosen? On June 1, James Wilson moved that the national executive power reside in a single person. Coming only four years after the American Revolution, that proposal was extremely contentious; it conjured up images of an elected monarchy.10<\/a><\/sup> The delegates also worried about how to protect the executive branch from corruption or undue control. They endlessly debated these questions, and not until early September did they decide the president would be elected by a special electoral college.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the end, the Constitutional Convention proposed a government unlike any other, combining elements copied from ancient republics and English political tradition but making some limited democratic innovations\u2014all while trying to maintain a delicate balance between national and state sovereignty. It was a complicated and highly controversial scheme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

IV. Ratifying the Constitution<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

On September 17, 1787, the Constitutional Convention voted on and signed this new document. The plan for adopting the new Constitution, however, required approval from special state ratification conventions, not just Congress. During the ratification process, critics of the Constitution organized to persuade voters in the different states to oppose it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Importantly, the Constitutional Convention had voted down a proposal from Virginia\u2019s George Mason, the author of Virginia\u2019s state Declaration of Rights, for a national bill of rights. This omission became a rallying point for opponents of the document. Many of these Anti-Federalists argued that without such a guarantee of specific rights, American citizens risked losing their personal liberty to the powerful federal government. The proratification Federalists, on the other hand, argued that including a bill of rights was not only redundant but dangerous; it could limit future citizens from adding new rights.11<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Citizens debated the merits of the Constitution in newspaper articles, letters, sermons, and coffeehouse quarrels across America. Some of the most famous, and most important, arguments came from Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison in the Federalist Papers, which were published in various New York newspapers in 1787 and 1788.12<\/a><\/sup> Massachusetts\u2019s ratification convention was contentious, and other Americans watched to see what that state would do. At first, the Anti-Federalists at the Massachusetts ratifying convention probably had the upper hand, but after weeks of debate, enough delegates changed their votes to narrowly approve the Constitution. But they also approved a number of proposed amendments, which were to be submitted to the first Congress. This pattern\u2014ratifying the Constitution but attaching proposed amendments\u2014was followed by other state conventions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most high-profile convention was held in Richmond, Virginia, in June 1788, when Federalists like James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and John Marshall squared off against equally influential Anti-Federalists like Patrick Henry and George Mason. Virginia was America\u2019s most populous state, it had produced some of the country\u2019s highest-profile leaders, and the success of the new government rested upon its cooperation. After nearly a month of debate, Virginia voted 89 to 79 in favor of ratification.13<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

On July 2, 1788, Congress announced that a majority of states had ratified the Constitution and that the document was now in effect. Yet this did not mean the debates were over. North Carolina, New York, and Rhode Island had not completed their ratification conventions, and Anti-Federalists still argued that the Constitution would lead to tyranny. The New York convention would ratify the Constitution by just three votes, and finally Rhode Island would ratify it by two votes\u2014a full year after George Washington was inaugurated as president.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

V. Rights and Compromises<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Although debates continued, Washington\u2019s election as president cemented the Constitution\u2019s authority. By 1793, the term Anti-Federalist would be essentially meaningless. Yet the debates produced a piece of the Constitution that seems irreplaceable today. Ten amendments were added in 1791. Together, they constitute the Bill of Rights. James Madison, against his original wishes, supported these amendments as an act of political compromise and necessity. He had won election to the House of Representatives only by promising his Virginia constituents such a list of rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There was much the Bill of Rights did not cover. Women found no special protections or guarantee of a voice in government. Many states continued to restrict voting only to men who owned significant amounts of property. And slavery not only continued to exist; it was condoned and protected by the Constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of all the compromises that formed the Constitution, perhaps none would be more important than the compromise over the slave trade. Americans generally perceived the transatlantic slave trade as more violent and immoral than slavery itself. Many Northerners opposed it on moral grounds. They also understood that letting Southern states import more Africans would increase Southerners\u2019 political power. The Constitution counted each Black individual as three-fifths of a person for purposes of representation, so in districts with many enslaved people, white voters had extra influence. On the other hand, the states of the Upper South also welcomed a ban on the Atlantic slave trade because they already had a surplus of enslaved laborers. Banning importation meant enslavers in Virginia and Maryland could get higher prices when they sold their enslaved laborers to states like South Carolina and Georgia that were dependent on a continued slave trade.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New England and the Deep South agreed to what was called a \u201cdirty compromise\u201d at the Constitutional Convention in 1787. New Englanders agreed to include a constitutional provision that protected the foreign slave trade for twenty years; in exchange, South Carolina and Georgia delegates had agreed to support a constitutional clause that made it easier for Congress to pass commercial legislation. As a result, the Atlantic slave trade resumed until 1808 when it was outlawed for three reasons. First, Britain was also in the process of prohibiting the slave trade in 1807, and the United States did not want to concede any moral high ground to its rival. Second, the Haitian Revolution (1791\u20131804), a successful slave revolt against French colonial rule in the West Indies, had changed the stakes in the debate. The image of thousands of armed Black revolutionaries terrified white Americans. Third, the Haitian Revolution had ended France\u2019s plans to expand its presence in the Americas, so in 1803, the United States had purchased the Louisiana Territory from the French at a fire-sale price. This massive new territory, which had doubled the size of the United States, had put the question of slavery\u2019s expansion at the top of the national agenda. Many white Americans, including President Thomas Jefferson, thought that ending the external slave trade and dispersing the domestic slave population would keep the United States a white man\u2019s republic and perhaps even lead to the disappearance of slavery.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ban on the slave trade, however, lacked effective enforcement measures and funding. Moreover, instead of freeing illegally imported Africans, the act left their fate to the individual states, and many of those states simply sold intercepted enslaved people at auction. Thus, the ban preserved the logic of property ownership in human beings. The new federal government protected slavery as much as it expanded democratic rights and privileges for white men.14<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

VI. Hamilton\u2019s Financial System<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

President George Washington\u2019s cabinet choices reflected continuing political tensions over the size and power of the federal government. The vice president was John Adams, and Washington chose Alexander Hamilton to be his secretary of the treasury. Both men wanted an active government that would promote prosperity by supporting American industry. However, Washington chose Thomas Jefferson to be his secretary of state, and Jefferson was committed to restricting federal power and preserving an economy based on agriculture. Almost from the beginning, Washington struggled to reconcile the Federalist and Republican (or Democratic-Republican) factions within his own administration.15<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alexander Hamilton believed that self-interest was the \u201cmost powerful incentive of human actions.\u201d Self-interest drove humans to accumulate property, and that effort created commerce and industry. According to Hamilton, the government had an important role to play in this process. First, the state should protect private property from theft. Second, the state should use human \u201cpassions\u201d and \u201cmake them subservient to the public good.\u201d16<\/a><\/sup> In other words, a wise government would harness its citizens\u2019 desire for property so that both private individuals and the state would benefit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A
Figure 7.5. Alexander Hamilton saw America\u2019s future as a metropolitan, commercial, industrial society, in contrast to Thomas Jefferson\u2019s nation of small farmers. While both men had the ear of President Washington, Hamilton\u2019s vision proved most appealing and enduring. John Trumbull, Portrait of Alexander Hamilton, 1806. Wikimedia.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Hamilton, like many of his contemporary statesmen, did not believe the state should ensure an equal distribution of property. Inequality was understood as \u201cthe great & fundamental distinction in Society,\u201d and Hamilton saw no reason why this should change. Instead, Hamilton wanted to tie the economic interests of wealthy Americans, or \u201cmonied men,\u201d to the federal government\u2019s financial health. If the rich needed the government, then they would direct their energies to making sure it remained solvent.17<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hamilton, therefore, believed that the federal government must be \u201ca Repository of the Rights of the wealthy.\u201d18<\/a><\/sup> As the nation\u2019s first secretary of the treasury, he proposed an ambitious financial plan to achieve just that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first part of Hamilton\u2019s plan involved federal \u201cassumption\u201d of state debts, which were mostly left over from the Revolutionary War. The federal government would assume responsibility for the states\u2019 unpaid debts, which totaled about $25 million. Second, Hamilton wanted Congress to create a bank\u2014a Bank of the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The goal of these proposals was to link federal power and the country\u2019s economic vitality. Under the assumption proposal, the states\u2019 creditors (people who owned state bonds or promissory notes) would turn their old notes in to the treasury and receive new federal notes of the same face value. Hamilton foresaw that these bonds would circulate like money, acting as \u201can engine of business, and instrument of industry and commerce.\u201d19<\/a><\/sup> This part of his plan, however, was controversial for two reasons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, many taxpayers objected to paying the full face value on old notes, which had fallen in market value. Often the current holders had purchased them from the original creditors for pennies on the dollar. To pay them at full face value, therefore, would mean rewarding speculators at taxpayer expense. Hamilton countered that government debts must be honored in full, or else citizens would lose all trust in the government. Second, many Southerners objected that they had already paid their outstanding state debts, so federal assumption would mean forcing them to pay again for the debts of New Englanders. Nevertheless, President Washington and Congress both accepted Hamilton\u2019s argument. By the end of 1794, 98 percent of the country\u2019s domestic debt had been converted into new federal bonds.20<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hamilton\u2019s plan for a Bank of the United States, similarly, won congressional approval despite strong opposition. Thomas Jefferson and other Republicans argued that the plan was unconstitutional; the Constitution did not authorize Congress to create a bank. Hamilton, however, argued that the bank was not only constitutional but also important for the country\u2019s prosperity. The Bank of the United States would fulfill several needs. It would act as a convenient depository for federal funds. It would print paper banknotes backed by specie (gold or silver). Its agents would also help control inflation by periodically taking state bank notes to their banks of origin and demanding specie in exchange, limiting the amount of notes the state banks printed. Furthermore, it would give wealthy people a vested interest in the federal government\u2019s finances. The government would control just 20 percent of the bank\u2019s stock; the other 80 percent would be owned by private investors. Thus, an \u201cintimate connexion\u201d between the government and wealthy men would benefit both, and this connection would promote American commerce.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1791, therefore, Congress approved a twenty-year charter for the Bank of the United States. The bank\u2019s stocks, together with federal bonds, created over $70 million in new financial instruments. These spurred the formation of securities markets, which allowed the federal government to borrow more money and underwrote the rapid spread of state-charted banks and other private business corporations in the 1790s. For Federalists, this was one of the major purposes of the federal government. For opponents who wanted a more limited role for industry, however, or who lived on the frontier and lacked access to capital, Hamilton\u2019s system seemed to reinforce class boundaries and give the rich inordinate power over the federal government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hamilton\u2019s plan, furthermore, had another highly controversial element. In order to pay what it owed on the new bonds, the federal government needed reliable sources of tax revenue. In 1791, Hamilton proposed a federal excise tax on the production, sale, and consumption of a number of goods, including whiskey.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

VII. The Whiskey Rebellion and Jay\u2019s Treaty<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Grain was the most valuable cash crop for many American farmers. In the West, selling grain to a local distillery for alcohol production was typically more profitable than shipping it over the Appalachians to Eastern markets. Hamilton\u2019s whiskey tax thus placed a special burden on Western farmers. It seemed to divide the young republic in half\u2014geographically between the East and West, economically between merchants and farmers, and culturally between cities and the countryside.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the fall of 1791, sixteen men in western Pennsylvania, disguised in women\u2019s clothes, assaulted a tax collector named Robert Johnson. They tarred and feathered him, and the local deputy marshals seeking justice met similar fates. They were robbed and beaten, whipped and flogged, tarred and feathered, tied up and left for dead. The rebel farmers also adopted other protest methods from the Revolution and Shays\u2019s Rebellion, writing local petitions and erecting liberty poles. For the next two years, tax collections in the region dwindled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Then, in July 1794, groups of armed farmers attacked federal marshals and tax collectors, burning down at least two tax collectors\u2019 homes. At the end of the month, an armed force of about seven thousand, led by the radical attorney David Bradford, robbed the US mail and gathered about eight miles east of Pittsburgh. President Washington responded quickly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, Washington dispatched a committee of three distinguished Pennsylvanians to meet with the rebels and try to bring about a peaceful resolution. Meanwhile, he gathered an army of thirteen thousand militiamen in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. On September 19, Washington became the only sitting president to lead troops in the field, though he quickly turned over the army to the command of Henry Lee, a Revolutionary hero and the current governor of Virginia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"George
Figure 7.6. This painting depicts George Washington leading troops to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion. \u201cThe Whiskey Rebellion,\u201d attributed to Frederick Kemmelmeyer, c. 1795. Wikimedia.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

As the federal army moved westward, the farmers scattered. Hoping to make a dramatic display of federal authority, Alexander Hamilton oversaw the arrest and trial of a number of rebels. Many were released because of a lack of evidence, and most of those who remained, including two men sentenced to death for treason, were soon pardoned by the president. The Whiskey Rebellion had shown that the federal government was capable of quelling internal unrest. But it also demonstrated that some citizens, especially poor Westerners, viewed it as their enemy.21<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around the same time, another national issue also aroused fierce protest. Along with his vision of a strong financial system, Hamilton also had a vision of a nation busily engaged in foreign trade. In his mind, that meant pursuing a friendly relationship with one nation in particular: Great Britain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

America\u2019s relationship with Britain since the end of the Revolution had been tense, partly because of warfare between the British and French. Their naval war threatened American shipping which was already risky and expensive while the impressment of men into Britain\u2019s navy terrorized American sailors. Nevertheless, President Washington was conscious of American weakness and was determined not to take sides. In April 1793, he officially declared that the United States would remain neutral.22<\/a><\/sup> With his blessing, Hamilton\u2019s political ally John Jay, who was currently serving as chief justice of the Supreme Court, sailed to London to negotiate a treaty that would satisfy both Britain and the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jefferson and Madison strongly opposed these negotiations. They mistrusted Britain and saw the treaty as the American government favoring Britain over France. The French had recently overthrown their own monarchy, and Republicans thought the United States should be glad to have the friendship of a new revolutionary state. They also suspected that a treaty with Britain would favor Northern merchants and manufacturers over the agricultural South.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In November 1794, despite their misgivings, John Jay signed a \u201ctreaty of amity, commerce, and navigation\u201d with the British. Jay\u2019s Treaty, as it was commonly called, required Britain to abandon its military positions in the Northwest Territory (especially Fort Detroit, Fort Mackinac, and Fort Niagara) by 1796. Britain also agreed to compensate American merchants for their losses. The United States, in return, agreed to treat Britain as its most prized trade partner, which meant tacitly supporting Britain in its current conflict with France. Unfortunately, Jay had failed to secure an end to impressment.23<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Federalists, this treaty was a significant accomplishment. Jay\u2019s Treaty gave the United States, a relatively weak power, the ability to stay officially neutral in European wars, and it preserved American prosperity by protecting trade. For Jefferson\u2019s Republicans, however, the treaty was proof of Federalist treachery. The Federalists had sided with a monarchy against a republic, and they had submitted to British influence in American affairs without even ending impressment. In Congress, debate over the treaty transformed the Federalists and Republicans from temporary factions into two distinct (though still loosely organized) political parties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

VIII. The French Revolution and the Limits of Liberty<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In part, the Federalists were turning toward Britain because they feared the most radical forms of democratic thought. In the wake of Shays\u2019s Rebellion, the Whiskey Rebellion, and other internal protests, Federalists sought to preserve social stability. The course of the French Revolution seemed to justify their concerns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1789, news had arrived in America that the French had revolted against their king. Most Americans imagined that liberty was spreading from America to Europe, carried there by the returning French heroes who had taken part in the American Revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Initially, nearly all Americans had praised the French Revolution. Towns all over the country hosted speeches and parades on July 14 to commemorate the day it began. Women had worn neoclassical dress to honor republican principles, and men had pinned revolutionary cockades to their hats. John Randolph, a Virginia planter, named two of his favorite horses Jacobin and Sans-Culotte after French revolutionary factions.24<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The
Figure 7.7. The mounting body count of the French Revolution included that of the queen and king, who were beheaded in a public ceremony in early 1793, as depicted in the engraving. While Americans disdained the concept of monarchy, the execution of King Louis XVI was regarded by many Americans as an abomination, an indication of the chaos and savagery reigning in France at the time. Charles Monnet (artist), Antoine-Jean Duclos and Isidore-Stanislas Helman (engravers), Day of 21 January 1793 the death of Louis Capet on the Place de la R\u00e9volution, 1794. Wikimedia. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

In April 1793, a new French ambassador, \u201cCitizen\u201d Edmond-Charles Gen\u00eat, arrived in the United States. During his tour of several cities, Americans greeted him with wild enthusiasm. Citizen Gen\u00eat encouraged Americans to act against Spain, a British ally, by attacking its colonies of Florida and Louisiana. When President Washington refused, Gen\u00eat threatened to appeal to the American people directly. In response, Washington demanded that France recall its diplomat. In the meantime, however, Gen\u00eat\u2019s faction had fallen from power in France. Knowing that a return home might cost him his head, he decided to remain in America.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gen\u00eat\u2019s intuition was correct. A radical coalition of revolutionaries had seized power in France. They initiated a bloody purge of their enemies, the Reign of Terror. As Americans learned about Gen\u00eat\u2019s impropriety and the mounting body count in France, many began to have second thoughts about the French Revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Americans who feared that the French Revolution was spiraling out of control tended to become Federalists. Those who remained hopeful about the revolution tended to become Republicans. Not deterred by the violence, Thomas Jefferson declared that he would rather see \u201chalf the earth desolated\u201d than see the French Revolution fail. \u201cWere there but an Adam and an Eve left in every country, and left free,\u201d he wrote, \u201cit would be better than as it now is.\u201d25<\/a><\/sup> Meanwhile, the Federalists sought closer ties with Britain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the political rancor, in late 1796 there came one sign of hope: the United States peacefully elected a new president. For now, as Washington stepped down and executive power changed hands, the country did not descend into the anarchy that many leaders feared.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The new president was John Adams, Washington\u2019s vice president. Adams was less beloved than the old general, and he governed a deeply divided nation. The foreign crisis also presented him with a major test.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In response to Jay\u2019s Treaty, the French government authorized its vessels to attack American shipping. To resolve this, President Adams sent envoys to France in 1797. The French insulted these diplomats. Some officials, whom the Americans code-named X, Y, and Z in their correspondence, hinted that negotiations could begin only after the Americans offered a bribe. When the story became public, this XYZ Affair infuriated American citizens. Dozens of towns wrote addresses to President Adams, pledging their support against France. Many people seemed eager for war. \u201cMillions for defense,\u201d toasted South Carolina representative Robert Goodloe Harper, \u201cbut not one cent for tribute.\u201d26<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By 1798, the people of Charleston watched the ocean\u2019s horizon apprehensively because they feared the arrival of the French navy at any moment. Many people now worried that the same ships that had aided Americans during the Revolutionary War might discharge an invasion force on their shores. Some Southerners were sure that this force would consist of Black troops from France\u2019s Caribbean colonies, who would attack the Southern states and cause their enslaved laborers to revolt. Many Americans also worried that France had covert agents in the country. In the streets of Charleston, armed bands of young men searched for French disorganizers. Even the little children prepared for the looming conflict by fighting with sticks.27<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, during the crisis, New Englanders were some of the most outspoken opponents of France. In 1798, they found a new reason for Francophobia. An influential Massachusetts minister, Jedidiah Morse, announced to his congregation that the French Revolution had been hatched in a conspiracy led by a mysterious anti-Christian organization called the Illuminati. The story was a hoax, but rumors of Illuminati infiltration spread throughout New England like wildfire, adding a new dimension to the foreign threat.28<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This
Figure 7.8. This 1798 political cartoon depicts the XYZ Affair. The United States is represented by Columbia, who is being plundered by five Frenchmen, three of whom are wearing French cockades, one wearing the Phrygian cap\u2013 symbols of revolutionary, republican France. The figures grouped off to the right are other European countries; John Bull, representing Great Britain, sits laughing atop the white cliffs of Dover. \u201cProperty protected–\u00e0 la Fran\u00e7oise,\u201d S.W. Fores, 1798. Library of Congress.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Against this backdrop of fear, the French Quasi-War, as it would come to be known, was fought on the Atlantic, mostly between French naval vessels and American merchant ships. During this crisis, however, anxiety about foreign agents ran high, and members of Congress took action to prevent internal subversion. The most controversial of these steps were the Alien and Sedition Acts. These two laws, passed in 1798, were intended to prevent French agents and sympathizers from compromising America\u2019s resistance, but they also attacked Americans who criticized the president and the Federalist Party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Alien Act allowed the federal government to deport foreign nationals, or \u201caliens,\u201d who seemed to pose a national security threat. Even more dramatically, the Sedition Act allowed the government to prosecute anyone found to be speaking or publishing \u201cfalse, scandalous, and malicious writing\u201d against the government.29<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These laws were not simply brought on by war hysteria. They reflected common assumptions about the nature of the American Revolution and the limits of liberty. In fact, most of the advocates for the Constitution and the First Amendment accepted that free speech simply meant a lack of prior censorship or restraint, not a guarantee against punishment. According to this logic, \u201clicentious\u201d or unruly speech made society less free, not more. James Wilson, one of the principal architects of the Constitution, argued that \u201cevery author is responsible when he attacks the security or welfare of the government.\u201d30<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1798, most Federalists were inclined to agree. Under the terms of the Sedition Act, they indicted and prosecuted several Republican printers\u2014and even a Republican congressman who had criticized President Adams. Meanwhile, although the Adams administration never enforced the Alien Act, its passage was enough to convince some foreign nationals to leave the country. For the president and most other Federalists, the Alien and Sedition Acts represented a continuation of a conservative rather than radical American Revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the Alien and Sedition Acts caused a backlash in two ways. First, shocked opponents articulated a new and expansive vision for liberty. The New York lawyer Tunis Wortman, for example, demanded an \u201cabsolute independence\u201d of the press.31<\/a><\/sup> Likewise, the Virginia judge George Hay called for \u201cany publication whatever criminal\u201d to be exempt from legal punishment.32<\/a><\/sup> Many Americans began to argue that free speech meant the ability to say virtually anything without fear of prosecution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, James Madison and Thomas Jefferson helped organize opposition from state governments. Ironically, both of them had expressed support for the principle behind the Sedition Act in previous years. Jefferson, for example, had written to Madison in 1789 that the nation should punish citizens for speaking \u201cfalse facts\u201d that injured the country.33<\/a><\/sup> Nevertheless, both men now opposed the Alien and Sedition Acts on constitutional grounds. In 1798, Jefferson made this point in a resolution adopted by the Kentucky state legislature. A short time later, the Virginia legislature adopted a similar document written by Madison.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions argued that the national government\u2019s authority was limited to the powers expressly granted by the US Constitution. More importantly, they asserted that the states could declare federal laws unconstitutional. For the time being, these resolutions were simply gestures of defiance. Their bold claim, however, would have important effects in later decades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In just a few years, many Americans\u2019 feelings toward France had changed dramatically. Far from rejoicing in the \u201clight of freedom,\u201d many Americans now feared the \u201ccontagion\u201d of French-style liberty. Debates over the French Revolution in the 1790s gave Americans some of their earliest opportunities to articulate what it meant to be American. Did American national character rest on a radical and universal vision of human liberty? Or was America supposed to be essentially pious and traditional, an outgrowth of Great Britain? They couldn\u2019t agree. It was on this cracked foundation that many conflicts of the nineteenth century would rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

IX. Slavery, Regionalism, and Westward Expansion<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The American Revolution pushed some Northern states toward abolishing slavery although every state recognized the system in 1776. The Constitution did little to sort out how slavery would function in a democratic nation. Article VI of the 1787 Northwest Ordinance banned slavery north and west of the Ohio River.34<\/a><\/sup> Many Americans took that clause to mean that the founders intended for slavery to die out, yet when Congress authorized the admission of Vermont (1791) and Kentucky (1792), with Vermont coming into the Union as a free state and Kentucky coming in as a slave state, a new path forward developed with the federal government prioritizing a \u201cbalance of power\u201d between North and South.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1790, 654,121 enslaved people lived in the South\u2014then just Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and the Southwest Territory (now Tennessee). By 1810, that number had increased to more than 1.1 million individuals in bondage.35<\/a><\/sup> This drastic population increase happened in large part due to the rise of cotton. In the colonial period, tobacco had been the leading cash crop for America\u2019s plantation economy. But tobacco was a rough crop. It treated the land poorly, draining the soil of nutrients, and fields rarely survived more than four or five cycles of growth before they were incapable of growing much more than patches of grass.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cotton was different. While long-staple, or sea island cotton, could only be grown along the coast of South Carolina and Georgia, short-staple cotton could be grown throughout the South if it wasn\u2019t so hard to harvest. With the invention of the cotton gin in 1794, and the emergence of steam power three decades later, cotton became the product with which the South could expand westward. Within a decade Southern cotton production had increased to sixty million pounds a year, and white Southerners began to race westward, building a cotton-growing slave society as they went.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This
Figure 7.9. Though taken after the end of slavery, these stereographs show various stages of cotton production. The fluffy white staple fiber is first extracted from the boll (a prickly, sharp protective capsule), after which the seed is separated in the ginning and taken to a storehouse. Unknown, Picking cotton in a great plantation in North Carolina, U.S.A., c. 1865-1903. Wikimedia. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

As Southerners built a region of cotton plantations and small rural communities, Northern states became more urban or at least more developed. And one of the growing populations in the North was free people of color; there were over 100,000 such people living in Northern states by 1810. This number grew in part as states ended the system of slavery. While some states ended slavery with immediate abolition, most enacted gradual emancipation laws that freed enslaved children after long periods of indentured servitude; for example, Pennsylvania\u2019s emancipation act of 1780 stipulated that freed children must serve an indenture term of twenty-eight years to compensate the enslaver\u2019s loss. James Mars, a young man indentured under this system in Connecticut, risked being thrown in jail when he protested the arrangement that kept him bound to his mother\u2019s enslaver until age twenty-five.36<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This
Figure 7.10. A portrait of James Mars at 80 years of age. By Thomas M.V. Doughty, 1870. Wikimedia.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

As Northern states ended the system of slavery, they also uncovered challenges to American democracy. Congress, for instance, made harboring a freedom-seeking enslaved person a federal crime with the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, supporting Southern claims that their property rights must be protected. Yet, free Black people who found themselves kidnapped and sold into Southern slavery often lacked any political avenue to protest their loss of freedom. While propertied Black men in the North might be considered citizens of their states, the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited federal citizenship to \u201cfree, white people.\u201d And even states that had moved toward ending slavery moved toward defining citizenship as a privilege for white men. The revolutionary Constitution of New Jersey had guaranteed the right to vote to all propertied men, but the state legislature changed the qualifications in 1807 to allow all white men to vote.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As America\u2019s regional and racial categories began to shift, American abolitionists built transatlantic networks to argue that freedom was the natural condition of humankind.37<\/a><\/sup> They worked particularly with English political theorists who had begun to rethink natural-law justifications for slavery. They rejected the long-standing idea that slavery was a condition that naturally suited some people and embraced the ideals of the American Revolution that all men were created equal. Even as many Americans saw slavery as a sin and worked to expand suffrage to more groups, America was effectively a \u201cwhite-man\u2019s republic.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

X. Religious Freedom<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

One reason the debates over the French Revolution became so heated was that Americans were unsure about their own religious future. The Illuminati scare of 1798 was just one manifestation of this fear. Across the United States, a slow but profound shift in attitudes toward religion and government began.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1776, none of the American state governments observed the separation of church and state. On the contrary, all thirteen states either had established, official, and tax-supported state churches, or at least required their officeholders to profess a certain faith. Most officials believed this was necessary to protect morality and social order. Over the next six decades, however, that changed. In 1833, the final state, Massachusetts, stopped supporting an official religious denomination. Historians call that gradual process disestablishment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In many states, the process of disestablishment had started before the creation of the Constitution. South Carolina, for example, had been nominally Anglican before the Revolution, but it had dropped denominational restrictions in its 1778 constitution. Instead, it now allowed any church consisting of at least fifteen adult males to become \u201cincorporated,\u201d or recognized for tax purposes as a state-supported church. Churches needed only to agree to a set of basic Christian theological tenets, which were vague enough that most denominations could support them.38<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

South Carolina tried to balance religious freedom with the religious practice that was supposed to be necessary for social order. Officeholders were still expected to be Christians; their oaths were witnessed by God, they were compelled by their religious beliefs to tell the truth, and they were called to live according to the Bible. This list of minimal requirements came to define acceptable Christianity in many states. As new Christian denominations proliferated between 1780 and 1840, however, more and more Christians fell outside this definition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

South Carolina continued its general establishment law until 1790, when a constitutional revision removed the establishment clause and religious restrictions on officeholders. Many other states, though, continued to support an established church well into the nineteenth century. The federal Constitution did not prevent this. The religious freedom clause in the Bill of Rights, during these decades, limited the federal government but not state governments. It was not until 1833 that a state supreme court decision ended Massachusetts\u2019s support for the Congregational Church.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many political leaders, including Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, favored disestablishment because they saw the relationship between church and state as a tool of oppression. Jefferson proposed a Statute for Religious Freedom in the Virginia state assembly in 1779, but his bill failed in the overwhelmingly Anglican legislature. Madison proposed it again in 1785, and it defeated a rival bill that would have given equal revenue to all Protestant churches. Instead Virginia would not use public money to support religion. \u201cThe Religion then of every man,\u201d Jefferson wrote, \u201cmust be left to the conviction and conscience of every man; and it is the right of every man to exercise it as these may dictate.\u201d39<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Removing the government support of churches created what historians call the American spiritual marketplace. Methodism achieved the most remarkable success, enjoying the most significant denominational increase in American history. The Methodist denomination grew from fewer than one thousand members at the end of the eighteenth century to constitute 34 percent of all American church membership by the mid-nineteenth century.40<\/a><\/sup> After its leaders broke with the Church of England to form a new American denomination in 1784, the Methodist Episcopal Church achieved its growth through innovation. Methodists used itinerant preachers, known as circuit riders. These men (and the occasional woman) won converts by pushing west with the expanding United States over the Alleghenies and into the Ohio River Valley, bringing religion to new settlers hungry to have their spiritual needs addressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the federal level, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 easily agreed that the national government should not have an official religion. This principle was upheld in 1791 when the First Amendment was ratified, with its guarantee of religious liberty. The limits of federal disestablishment, however, required discussion. The federal government, for example, supported Native American missionaries and congressional chaplains. Well into the nineteenth century, debate raged over whether the postal service should operate on Sundays, and whether non-Christians could act as witnesses in federal courts. Americans continued to struggle to understand what it meant for Congress not to \u201cestablish\u201d a religion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

XI. The Election of 1800<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, the Alien and Sedition Acts expired in 1800 and 1801. They had been relatively ineffective at suppressing dissent. On the contrary, they were much more important for the loud reactions they had inspired. They had helped many Americans decide what they didn\u2019t want from their national government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By 1800, therefore, President Adams had lost the confidence of many Americans. They had let him know it. In 1798, for instance, he had issued a national thanksgiving proclamation. Instead of enjoying a day of celebration and thankfulness, fear of rioters forced Adams and his family to flee the capital city of Philadelphia. The president\u2019s prickly independence had also put him at odds with Alexander Hamilton, the leader of his own party, who offered him little support. After four years in office, Adams found himself widely reviled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This
Figure 7.11. The year 1800 brought about a host of changes in government, in particular, the first successful and peaceful transfer of power from one political party to another. But the year was important for another reason: the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. (pictured here in 1800) was finally opened to be occupied by Congress, the Supreme Court, the Library of Congress, and the courts of the District of Columbia. William Russell Birch, A view of the Capitol of Washington before it was burnt down by the British, c. 1800. Wikimedia.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

In the election of 1800, therefore, the Republicans defeated Adams in a bitter and complicated presidential race. During the election, one Federalist newspaper article predicted that a Republican victory would fill America with \u201cmurder, robbery, rape, adultery, and incest.\u201d41<\/a><\/sup> A Republican newspaper, on the other hand, flung sexual slurs against President Adams, saying he had \u201cneither the force and firmness of a man, nor the gentleness and sensibility of a woman.\u201d Both sides predicted disaster and possibly war if the other should win.42<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the end, the contest came down to a tie between two Republicans, Thomas Jefferson of Virginia and Aaron Burr of New York, who each had seventy-three electoral votes. (Adams had sixty-five.) Burr was supposed to be a candidate for vice president, not president, but under the Constitution\u2019s original rules, a tie-breaking vote had to take place in the House of Representatives. It was controlled by Federalists bitter at Jefferson. House members voted dozens of times without breaking the tie. On the thirty-sixth ballot, Thomas Jefferson emerged victorious.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Republicans believed they had saved the United States from grave danger. An assembly of Republicans in New York City called the election a \u201cbloodless revolution.\u201d They thought of their victory as a revolution in part because the Constitution (and eighteenth-century political theory) made no provision for political parties. The Republicans thought they were fighting to rescue the country from an aristocratic takeover, not just taking part in a normal constitutional process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In his first inaugural address, however, Thomas Jefferson offered an olive branch to the Federalists. He pledged to follow the will of the American majority, whom he believed were Republicans, but to respect the rights of the Federalist minority. His election set an important precedent. Adams accepted his electoral defeat and left the White House peacefully. \u201cThe revolution of 1800,\u201d Jefferson wrote years later, did for American principles what the Revolution of 1776 had done for its structure. But this time, the revolution was accomplished not \u201cby the sword\u201d but \u201cby the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage of the people.\u201d43<\/a><\/sup> Four years later, when the Twelfth Amendment changed the rules for presidential elections to prevent future deadlocks, it was designed to accommodate the way political parties worked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite Adams\u2019s and Jefferson\u2019s attempts to tame party politics, though, the tension between federal power and the liberties of states and individuals would exist long into the nineteenth century. And while Jefferson\u2019s administration attempted to decrease federal influence, Chief Justice John Marshall, an Adams appointee, worked to increase the authority of the Supreme Court. These competing agendas clashed most famously in the 1803 case of Marbury v. Madison, which Marshall used to establish a major precedent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This
Figure 7.12. This image attacks Jefferson\u2019s support of the French Revolution and religious freedom. The letter, \u201cTo Mazzei,\u201d refers to a 1796 correspondence that criticized the Federalists and, by association, President Washington. Providential Detection, 1797. Courtesy American Antiquarian Society. <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The Marbury case seemed insignificant at first. The night before leaving office in early 1801, Adams had appointed several men to serve as justices of the peace in Washington, DC. By making these \u201cmidnight appointments,\u201d Adams had sought to put Federalists into vacant positions at the last minute. On taking office, however, Jefferson and his secretary of state, James Madison, had refused to deliver the federal commissions to the men Adams had appointed. Several of the appointees, including William Marbury, sued the government, and the case was argued before the Supreme Court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marshall used Marbury\u2019s case to make a clever ruling. On the issue of the commissions, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Jefferson administration. But Chief Justice Marshall went further in his decision, ruling that the Supreme Court reserved the right to decide whether an act of Congress violated the Constitution. In other words, the court assumed the power of judicial review. This was a major (and lasting) blow to the Republican agenda, especially after 1810, when the Supreme Court extended judicial review to state laws. Jefferson was particularly frustrated by the decision, arguing that the power of judicial review \u201cwould make the Judiciary a despotic branch.\u201d44<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

XII. Conclusion<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

A grand debate over political power engulfed the young United States. The Constitution ensured that there would be a strong federal government capable of taxing, waging war, and making law, but it could never resolve the young nation\u2019s many conflicting constituencies. The Whiskey Rebellion proved that the nation could stifle internal dissent but exposed a new threat to liberty. Hamilton\u2019s banking system provided the nation with credit but also constrained frontier farmers. The Constitution\u2019s guarantee of religious liberty conflicted with many popular prerogatives. Dissension only deepened, and as the 1790s progressed, Americans became bitterly divided over political parties and foreign war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the ratification debates, Alexander Hamilton had written of the wonders of the Constitution. \u201cA nation, without a national government,\u201d he wrote, would be \u201can awful spectacle.\u201d But, he added, \u201cthe establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary consent of a whole people, is a prodigy,\u201d a miracle that should be witnessed \u201cwith trembling anxiety.\u201d45<\/a><\/sup> Anti-Federalists had grave concerns about the Constitution, but even they could celebrate the idea of national unity. By 1795, even the staunchest critics would have grudgingly agreed with Hamilton\u2019s convictions about the Constitution. Yet these same individuals could also take the cautions in Washington\u2019s 1796 farewell address to heart. \u201cThere is an opinion,\u201d Washington wrote, \u201cthat parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty.\u201d This, he conceded, was probably true, but in a republic, he said, the danger was not too little partisanship, but too much. \u201cA fire not to be quenched,\u201d Washington warned, \u201cit demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.\u201d46<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For every parade, thanksgiving proclamation, or grand procession honoring the unity of the nation, there was also some political controversy reminding American citizens of how fragile their union was. And as party differences and regional quarrels tested the federal government, the new nation increasingly explored the limits of its democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

XIII. Primary Sources<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

1. Hector St. Jean de Cr\u00e8vec\u0153ur describes the American people, <\/em>1782<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hector St. John de Cr\u00e8vec\u0153ur was born in France, but relocated to the colony of New York and married a local woman named Mehitable Tippet. For a period of several years, de Cr\u00e8vec\u0153ur wrote about the people he encountered in North America. The resulting work was widely successful in Europe. In this passage, Cr\u00e8vec\u0153ur attempts to reflect on the difference between life in Europe and life in North America.<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2. A Confederation of Native peoples seek peace with the United States, 1786<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1786, half a year before the Constitutional Convention, a collection of Native American leaders gathered on the banks of the Detroit River to offer a unified message to the Congress of the United States. Despite this proposal, American surveyors, settlers, and others continued to cross the Ohio River.<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3. Mary Smith Cranch comments on politics, 1786-87<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the aftermath of the Revolution, politics became a sport consumed by both men and women. In a series of letters sent to her sister, Mary Smith Cranch comments on a series of political events, including the lack of support for diplomats, the circulation of paper or hard currency, legal reform, tariffs against imported tea tables, Shays\u2019s rebellion, and the role of women in supporting the nation\u2019s interests.<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

4. James Madison, Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments<\/em>, 1785<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Before the American Revolution, Virginia supported local Anglican churches through taxes. After the American Revolution, Virginia had to decide what to do with this policy. Some founding fathers, including Patrick Henry, wanted to equally distribute tax dollars to all churches. In this document, James Madison explains why he did not want any government money to support religious causes in Virginia.<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

5. George Washington, \u201cFarewell Address,\u201d 1796<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

George Washington used his final public address as president to warn against what he understood as the two greatest dangers to American prosperity: political parties and foreign wars. Washington urged the American people to avoid political partisanship and entanglements with European wars.\u00a0<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

6. Venture Smith, A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Venture Smith<\/em>, 1798<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Venture Smith\u2019s autobiography is one of the earliest slave narratives to circulate in the Atlantic World. Slave narratives grew into the most important genre of antislavery literature and bore testimony to the injustices of the slave system. Smith was unusually lucky in that he was able to purchase his freedom, but his story nonetheless reveals the hardships faced by even the most fortunate enslaved men and women.<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

7. Susannah Rowson, Charlotte Temple, <\/em>1794<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\u00a0<\/em>Charlotte Temple, the first novel written in America, Susannah Rowson offered a cautionary tale of a woman deceived and then abandoned by a roguish man. Americans throughout the new nation read the book with rapt attention and many even traveled to New York City to visit the supposed grave of this fictional character.<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

8. Constitutional ratification cartoon, 1789<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\u00a0<\/em>Massachusetts Centinel\u00a0ran a series of cartoons depicting the ratification of the Constitution.\u00a0 Each vertical pillar represents a state that has ratified the new government.\u00a0 In this cartoon, North Carolina\u2019s pillar is being guided into place (it would vote for ratification in November 1789).\u00a0 Rhode Island\u2019s pillar, however, is crumbling and shows the uncertainty of the vote there.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

9. Anti-Thomas Jefferson Cartoon, 1797<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This image attacks\u00a0Jefferson\u2019s support of the French Revolution and religious freedom. \u00a0The Altar to \u201cGallic Despotism\u201d mocks Jefferson\u2019s allegiance to the French. The letter, \u201cTo Mazzei,\u201d refers to a 1796 correspondence that criticized the Federalists and, by association, President Washington.\u00a0<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

XIV. Reference Material<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

This chapter was edited by Tara Strauch, with content contributions by Marco Basile, Nathaniel C. Green, Brenden Kennedy, Spencer McBride, Andrea Nero, Cara Rogers, John Saillant, Tara Strauch, Michael Harrison Taylor, Jordan Taylor, Kevin Wisniewski, Ben Wright, and Caroline Wright.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recommended Reading<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Allgor, Catherine. Parlor Politics: In Which the Ladies of Washington Help Build a City and a Government<\/em>. University of Virginia Press, 2000.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Appleby, Joyce. Inheriting the Revolution: The First Generation of Americans<\/em>. Belknap, 2001.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Bartolini-Tuazon, Kathleen. For Fear of an Elective King: George Washington and the Presidential Title Controversy of 1789<\/em>. Cornell University Press, 2014.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Beeman, Richard, Stephen Botein, and Edward C. Carter II, eds. Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity<\/em>. University of North Carolina Press, 1987.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Bilder, Mary Sarah. Madison\u2019s Hand: Revising the Constitutional Convention<\/em>. Harvard University Press, 2015.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Bouton, Terry. \u201cA Road Closed: Rural Insurgency in Post-Independence Pennsylvania.\u201d Journal of American History<\/em> 87, no. 3 (December 2000): 855\u201387.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Cart\u00e9. Katherine. Religion and the American Revolution: An Imperial History<\/em>. University of North Carolina Press, 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Chervinsky. Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution<\/em>. Harvard University Press, 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Dunn, Susan. Jefferson\u2019s Second Revolution: The Election of 1800 and the Triumph of Republicanism<\/em>. Houghton Mifflin, 2004.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Edling, Max. A Revolution in Favor of Government: Origins of the U.S. Constitution and the Making of the American State<\/em>. Oxford University Press, 2003<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Gordon-Reed, Annette. The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family<\/em>. W. W. Norton, 2008.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Halperin, Terri Diane. The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution<\/em>. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Holton, Woody. Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution<\/em>. Hill and Wang, 2007.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kierner, Cynthia A. Martha Jefferson Randolph, Daughter of Monticello: Her Life and Times<\/em>. University of North Carolina Press, 2012.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Maier, Pauline. Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787\u20131788<\/em>. Simon & Schuster, 2010.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Pasley, Jeffrey L. The First Presidential Contest: 1796 and the Founding of American Democracy<\/em>. University of Kansas Press, 2013.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll. \u201cDis-Covering the Subject of the \u2018Great Constitutional Discussion,\u2019 1786\u20131789.\u201d Journal of American History<\/em> 79, no. 3 (December 1992): 841\u201373.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Taylor, Alan. William Cooper\u2019s Town: Power and Persuasion on the Frontier of the Early American Republic<\/em>. Vintage, 1996.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Rakove, Jack N. Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution<\/em>. Vintage Books, 1996.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Salmon, Marylynn. Women and the Law of Property in Early America<\/em>. University of North Carolina Press, 1989.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Sharp, James Roger. American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis<\/em>. Yale University Press, 1993.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Slaughter, Thomas P. The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the American Revolution<\/em>. Oxford University Press, 1988.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Waldstreicher, David. In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776\u20131820<\/em>. University of North Carolina Press, 1997.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Wood, Gordon. Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789\u20131815<\/em>. Oxford University Press, 2011.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Zagarri, Rosemarie. Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic<\/em>. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Notes<\/p>\n

  1. Francis Hopkinson, An Account of the Grand Federal Procession, Philadelphia, July 4, 1788<\/em> (Philadelphia, 1788).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  2. George Washington, Thanksgiving Proclamation, October 3, 1789; Fed. Reg., Presidential Proclamations, 1791\u20131991.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  3. Hampshire Gazette<\/em> (CT), September 13, 1786.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  4. James Madison, The Federalist Papers<\/em>, (Signet Classics, 2003), no. 63.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  5. Woody Holton, Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution<\/em> (Hill and Wang, 2007), 8\u20139.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  6. Madison took an active role during the convention. He also did more than anyone else to shape historians\u2019 understandings of the convention by taking meticulous notes. Many of the quotes included here come from Madison\u2019s notes. To learn more about this important document, see Mary Sarah Bilder, Madison\u2019s Hand: Revising the Constitutional Convention<\/em> (Harvard University Press, 2015).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  7. Virginia (Randolph) Plan as Amended (National Archives Microfilm Publication M866, 1 roll); The Official Records of the Constitutional Convention; Records of the Continental and Confederation Congresses and the Constitutional Convention, 1774\u20131789, Record Group 360; National Archives.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  8. Richard Beeman, Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution<\/em> (Random House, 2009), 114.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  9. Herbert J. Storing, What the Anti-Federalists Were For: The Political Thought of the Opponents of the Constitution<\/em> (University of Chicago Press, 1981), 16.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  10. Ray Raphael, Mr. President: How and Why the Founders Created a Chief Executive<\/em> (Knopf, 2012), 50. See also Kathleen Bartoloni-Tuazon, For Fear of an Elected King: George Washington and the Presidential Title Controversy of 1789<\/em> (Cornell University Press, 2014).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  11. David J. Siemers, Ratifying the Republic: Antifederalists and Federalists in Constitutional Time<\/em> (Stanford University Press, 2002).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  12. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers<\/em>, ed. Ian Shapiro (Yale University Press, 2009).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  13. Pauline Maier, Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787\u20131788<\/em> (Simon & Schuster, 2010), 225\u201337.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  14. David Waldstreicher, Slavery\u2019s Constitution: From Revolution to Ratification<\/em> (Hill and Wang, 2009).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  15. Carson Holloway, Hamilton Versus Jefferson in the Washington Administration: Completing the Founding or Betraying the Founding? <\/em>(Cambridge University Press, 2015).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  16. Alexander Hamilton, The Works of Alexander Hamilton<\/em>, Volume 1, ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (Putnam, 1904), 70, 408.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  17. Alexander Hamilton, Report on the Subject of Manufactures<\/em> (New York, 1791).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  18. James H. Hutson, ed., Supplement to Max Farrand\u2019s the Records of the Federal Convention of 1787<\/em> (Yale University Press, 1987), 119.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  19. Hamilton, Report on Manufactures<\/em>.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  20. Richard Sylla, \u201cNational Foundations: Public Credit, the National Bank, and Securities Markets,\u201d in Founding Choices: American Economic Policy in the 1790s<\/em>, ed. Douglas A. Irwin and Richard Sylla (University of Chicago Press, 2011), 68.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  21. Thomas P. Slaughter, The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the American Revolution<\/em> (Oxford University Press, 1986).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  22. \u201cProclamation of Neutrality, 1793,\u201d in A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents Prepared Under the Direction of the Joint Committee on Printing, of the House and Senate Pursuant to an Act of the Fifty-Second Congress of the United States<\/em> (New York, 1897).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  23. United States, Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, signed at London November 19, 1794, Submitted to the Senate June 8, Resolution of Advice and Consent, on condition, June 24, 1795. Ratified by the United States August 14, 1795. Ratified by Great Britain October 28, 1795. Ratifications exchanged at London October 28, 1795. Proclaimed February 29, 1796.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  24. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese, The Mind of the Master Class: History and Faith in the Southern Slaveholders Worldview<\/em> (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 18.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  25. Thomas Jefferson to William Short, January 3, 1793, Founders Online, National Archives, http:\/\/\u200bfounders\u200b.archives\u200b.gov\/\u200bdocuments\/\u200bJefferson\/\u200b01\u200b-25\u200b-02\u200b-0016; John Catanzariti, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson<\/em>, vol. 25, 1 January to 10 May 1793 (Princeton University Press, 1993), 14\u201317.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  26. Robert Goodloe Harper, June 18, 1798, quoted in American Daily Advertiser<\/em> (Philadelphia), June 20, 1798.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  27. Robert J. Alderson Jr., This Bright Era of Happy Revolutions: French Consul Michel-Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International Republicanism in Charleston, 1792\u20131794<\/em> (University of South Carolina Press, 2008).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  28. Rachel Hope Cleves, The Reign of Terror in America: Visions of Violence from Anti-Jacobinism to Antislavery<\/em> (Cambridge University Press, 2012), 47.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  29. Alien Act, July 6, 1798, and An Act in Addition to the Act, Entitled \u201cAn Act for the Punishment of Certain Crimes Against the United States,\u201d July 14, 1798; Fifth Congress; Enrolled Acts and Resolutions; General Records of the United States Government; Record Group 11; National Archives.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  30. James Wilson, Congressional Debate, December 1, 1787, in Jonathan Elliot, ed., The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution as Recommended by the General Convention at Philadelphia in 1787<\/em>, vol. 2 (New York, 1888), 448\u201350.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  31. Tunis Wortman, A Treatise Concerning Political Enquiry, and the Liberty of the Press<\/em> (New York, 1800), 181.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  32. George Hay, An Essay on the Liberty of the Press<\/em> (Philadelphia, 1799), 43.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  33. Jefferson to James Madison, August 28, 1789, in The Works of Thomas Jefferson in Twelve Volumes<\/em>, Federal Edition, ed. Paul Leicester Ford, http:\/\/\u200bwww\u200b.loc\u200b.gov\/\u200bresource\/\u200bmtj1\u200b.011\u200b_0853\u200b_0861.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  34. Northwest Ordinance, July 13, 1787; Charles C. Tansill, ed., Documents Illustrative of the Formation of the Union of the American States<\/em> (US Government Printing Office, 1927), House Document No. 398, Avalon Project, Yale Law School, http:\/\/\u200bavalon\u200b.law\u200b.yale\u200b.edu\/\u200b18th\u200b_century\/\u200bnworder\u200b.asp.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  35. For a valuable and approachable rundown of American slavery statistics, see Jenny Bourne, \u201cSlavery in the United States,\u201d Economic History Association, March 26, 2008, https:\/\/\u200beh\u200b.net\/\u200bencyclopedia\/\u200bslavery\u200b-in\u200b-the\u200b-united\u200b-states\/. For statistics earlier than 1790, see Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia<\/em> (Norton, 1975), appendix; Peter Kolchin, American Slavery<\/em>: 1619\u20131877 (Hill and Wang, 1993), 252\u201357. All slavery statistics hereafter refer to Bourne\u2019s \u201cSlavery in the United States\u201d unless otherwise noted.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  36. Robert J. Cottrol, ed., From African to Yankee: Narratives of Slavery and Freedom in Antebellum New England<\/em> (Sharpe, 1998), 62.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  37. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770\u20131823<\/em> (Oxford University Press, 1999), 164\u2013212.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  38. Francis Newton Thorpe, ed., The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories, and Colonies Now or Heretofore Forming the United States of America Compiled and Edited Under the Act of Congress of June 30, 1906<\/em> (US Government Printing Office, 1909).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  39. Thomas Jefferson, An Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, January 16, 1786, Manuscript, Records of the General Assembly, Enrolled Bills, Record Group 78, Library of Virginia.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  40. John H. Wigger, Taking Heaven by Storm: Methodism and the Rise of Popular Christianity in America<\/em> (Oxford University Press, 1998), 3, 197\u2013200, 201n1.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  41. Catherine Allgor, Parlor Politics: In Which the Ladies of Washington Help Build a City and a Government<\/em> (University of Virginia Press, 2000), 14.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  42. James T. Callender, The Prospect Before Us<\/em> (Richmond, 1800).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  43. Jefferson to Spencer Roane, September 6, 1819, in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson<\/em>, 20 vols., ed. Albert Ellery Bergh (Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association of the United States, 1903), 142.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  44. Harold H. Bruff, Untrodden Ground: How Presidents Interpret the Constitution<\/em> (University of Chicago Press, 2015), 65.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  45. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist Papers<\/em> (Signet Classics, 2003), no. 85.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  46. George Washington, Farewell Address, Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2869\u201370.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li><\/ol>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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